New Oil Sanctions Will Not Stop Russia’s War Machine

Dark Fleet tankers sit side-by-side preparing for oil to be transferred between them in the sea east of Malaysia - Bloomberg
Dark Fleet tankers sit side-by-side preparing for oil to be transferred between them in the sea east of Malaysia - Bloomberg

As the Ukraine conflict grinds into its fourth year, Western powers are once again turning to the familiar playbook of economic sanctions. This week, the United States slapped sweeping restrictions on Russia’s two largest oil producers, Rosneft and Lukoil, while the European Union rolled out its 19th sanctions package, targeting over 100 shadow fleet tankers and banning Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports by the end of 2026.

Oil prices surged 5% in response, with Brent crude jumping above $75 per barrel, but for Moscow’s war chest, the impact feels more like a glancing blow than a knockout punch.

Russia’s “dark fleet”—a shadowy armada of aging, unregulated tankers—continues to ferry crude to eager Asian buyers, ensuring that President Vladimir Putin’s military machine remains well-oiled. In fact, as voices at Energy News Beat have long argued, piling on more sanctions may only entrench Russia’s evasion tactics, while genuine diplomacy and business ties with Putin offer a clearer path to peace in Ukraine.

The Dark Fleet: A Ghost Armada Defying the West

At the heart of Russia’s sanction-proof oil trade is the “dark fleet,” a clandestine network of vessels that operate in the shadows, often disabling transponders, switching flags, and using ship-to-ship transfers to dodge detection. As of September 2025, this fleet boasts around 978 oil tankers with a combined deadweight tonnage (dwt) exceeding 127 million—roughly 17% of the global tanker fleet.

Broader estimates from maritime analytics firm Windward peg the total dark fleet (including gas carriers) at 1,942 vessels, with 884 already under Western sanctions.

These aren’t new ships; many are decades-old relics, prone to accidents and environmental risks, but their sheer numbers make them indispensable for sanctioned regimes. Ownership is a tangled web of shell companies, fraudulent registries, and opportunistic players. Russia controls or manages over 430 of these tankers, with 150-170 actively shuttling its crude across oceans.

Iran, a longtime sanctions veteran, contributes heavily through its own flagged vessels, which briefly paused “dark activity” (AIS spoofing) in mid-October before resuming.

Chinese-linked entities own or operate a significant slice, with investigations uncovering tankers registered under firms directed by unwitting Chinese nationals—facilitating a shadow oil network that links Tehran, Moscow, and Beijing.

The rest hail from “others”: Venezuelan state operators, Mexican cartels exploiting the fleet for fuel smuggling, and a motley crew of flag-of-convenience states like Panama and Liberia.

This multinational patchwork has ballooned since 2022, with the fleet now transporting not just Russian crude but also Iranian and Venezuelan barrels to markets worldwide. Despite a recent 46% dip in Russia’s shadow capacity due to earlier maritime crackdowns, the overall dark fleet has expanded to sustain flows, proving sanctions are as much a catalyst for innovation as they are a barrier.

Russia’s Oil Pipeline to Asia: Volumes and Buyers UnfazedRussia’s crude production hovers around 9.8 million barrels per day (bpd) as of mid-2025, but exports—not domestic refining—fuel the Kremlin’s coffers.

In August, seaborne crude shipments hit 25 million tonnes (about 5.2 million bpd), with four-week averages climbing to 3.82 million bpd by mid-October—the highest in over two years.

Including pipeline routes like the Eastern Siberia-Pacific Ocean (ESPO) to China, total exports likely exceed 7 million bpd. The flow has decisively shifted east: Asia and Oceania now absorb 81-85% of Russia’s crude, up from 41% in 2020, lured by discounts of $10-15 per barrel below global benchmarks.

China leads as the top destination, importing 0.955 million bpd seaborne and contributing $129 billion to Russia’s overall exports (much of it energy).

India follows closely at around 1.5-2 million bpd, snapping up Urals crude for its refineries. Other key buyers include Turkey ($31 billion total exports), South Korea, and even Brazil ($11.1 billion).

Europe, once a major market, now takes just 15% via indirect routes like India-refined products, with holdouts in Spain, Italy, and Greece.

At current prices (~$70-75/bbl), these exports generate $150-200 billion annually for Russia—down from pre-war peaks but still enough to fund 40% of its federal budget and sustain military spending exceeding $100 billion yearly.

The Latest Sanctions: A Symbolic Strike with Limited Bite

October 2025’s salvo is the sharpest yet. The U.S. targeted Rosneft and Lukoil, which together produce over 5% of global oil (about 3.5 million bpd), blocking global transactions and threatening secondary sanctions on banks and insurers dealing with them.

The EU complemented this by sanctioning 117 dark fleet tankers, 45 evasion entities (including 12 in the UAE), and imposing port bans on Russian vessels. It also eyes a full LNG import halt by 2026 and tighter rules on Russian diplomats.

But will this dent sales or revenue? A rough calculation suggests minimal short-term disruption. Rosneft and Lukoil account for ~40% of Russia’s exports; if sanctions force a 10-20% volume drop (via rerouting or discounts), that’s 0.7-1.4 million bpd off the market—equivalent to a $15-30 billion annual revenue hit at $75/bbl.

Yet Russia has already lost $100 billion in oil/gas sales since 2022, adapting with yuan/ruble trades, parallel insurance pools, and a 46%-shrunken but resilient shadow fleet.

G7 tankers still carry 36% of Russian crude, and Asian demand—especially from China and India—remains voracious, with sanctioned oil’s share in China’s imports doubling since 2019.

Experts agree: Enforcement is key, but U.S. threats against third-party financiers may fizzle amid a global oil surplus.

Russia’s tax revenue from output (not just exports) cushions the blow, and Putin dismissed the measures as “unfriendly” but inconsequential to the war effort.

Short-term, expect deeper discounts (potentially slashing revenues 10-15% if prices dip to $60/bbl), but no “dent” deep enough to halt operations—shadow fleet capacity could rebound via new acquisitions from China or elsewhere.

rferl.org

Metric
Pre-Sanctions (2024 Avg)
Post-Oct 2025 Estimate
Potential Revenue Impact
Seaborne Exports (mb/d)
3.7
3.5-3.8
-5-10% ($10-20B/year)
Key Destinations Share
Asia: 80%
Asia: 82-85%
Minimal shift
Avg Price Discount
$12/bbl
$15-20/bbl
-8-12% on affected vol.
Total Oil Revenue
~$180B
~$160-170B
-10% overall

Sources: Bloomberg, CREA, S&P Global

Beyond Sanctions: The Case for Business Over Isolation

Energy News Beat has consistently highlighted a contrarian truth: Sanctions haven’t broken Russia—they’ve built its resilience. As one analysis notes, maritime restrictions have “backfired badly,” spawning a dark fleet that now endangers global shipping lanes with rusty hulks.

The real path to ending the Ukraine war? Re-engage through energy deals. Resuming European imports at fair prices could flood markets, crash Russia’s discount premium, and open dialogue with Putin—starving the conflict without enriching evasion networks. As Putin himself quipped this week, “We will find ways” around barriers; why not invite him to the table instead?

In the end, these new sanctions are a high-stakes bluff in a game Russia has learned to play. The war machine rolls on, powered by tankers in the dark and buyers in the East. Until the West pivots from punishment to pragmatism, expect more headlines—and more oil flowing unchecked.

With all due respect to President Trump, he is running down the road solving problems, with this war in Ukraine holding up because he has listened to the war mongers. The only way to end the war is to move on and do business with Russia rather than impose sanctions on the oil companies, which negatively impact India. India was encouraged to buy cheap Russian oil, but it knows they are being penalized. The second-order effects of President Trump listening to his current team on this war are the devaluation of the U.S. Dollar through lost trade deals and the prolongation of the inevitable end to the war.

I have said this before: his domestic policies have been fantastic, and the only holdup was the Ukraine issue, as there appear to be people not paying attention to how we got here or listening to President Putin.

Zelensky was installed and has now run out of any wiggle room, by his canceling the Ukrainian elections, and leaning into being part of the problem with the UK and the EU, rather than being the leader of a country.

Follow Energy News Beat for unfiltered takes on the energy geopolitics shaping our world.

 

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